For our first article I am throwing it right back to AD 991 with the study of a fairly underrated battle – The Battle of Maldon. It was a pivotal moment in English Medieval history[1]. A quick summary for all those unaware of what happened at Maldon: a band of raiding Vikings were victorious against Ealdorman Byrhtnoth and his Essex-men, which subsequently resulted in the first payment of the Danegeld[2] - money England coughed up to stop the Vikings attacking (not that it worked). Different accounts of the battle have been described during the Middle Ages, each account affected by the context in which it is written. Arguably the contemporary sources hold more authority over the later sources, not in regards to their historical fact, but more they reflect the zeitgeist of their time. On the other hand, it could be argued the later sources are more accurate because of their objectivity and their ability to contextualise the Battle of Maldon from a wider historical perspective. By looking at the sources in their chronological order it might be possible to see whether there are any patterns which explain the similarities and differences between the accounts. This article will be split into two parts, just because I got carried away studying my sources and I’ve just got too much I want to cover! We’ll start with contemporary (i.e. those produced at the time of the battle) and Part Two will cover the later sources and draw a conclusion of my thoughts.
There are three significant contemporary sources used for studying the Battle of Maldon: The Battle of Maldon poem, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles (specifically the Winchester Manuscript) and the Vita Sancti Oswaldi. The Battle of Maldon poem is one of the most extensive accounts of the battle and its events[3]. The exact date of the poem is unknown, with arguments ranging from pre-1008[4] to post-1020[5]. It would be easier if everyone made their mind up, but irrespective of the exact date it certainly can be regarded as a contemporary source[6]. The poem has been described as a memorial piece[7], or a funeral song[8], representing Byrhtnoth and his men in a positive light. They are presented as heroes[9], Byrhtnoth as being of ‘unstained reputation’[10]. The positive portrayal of Byrhtnoth is probably also an attempt to save his name as it is likely his reputation may have been challenged by other nobles in the country following his death and the subsequent payment of the Danegeld – which was justifiably unpopular[11]. It is possible that eyewitness accounts were used in the creation of the poem[12] but many of the details of the actions in the battle are unlikely to have happened, as no one would have able to record such specifics in the chaos[13] - I mean would you really have been able to see who killed who first?! The poet focusses on loyalty, rather than the defeat, and this is seen as the true victory[14]; loyalty to Byrhtnoth, loyalty between men at different levels of society and loyalty to England[15]. Rather than admit the Vikings were superior it is better for the English people if the poet describes Byrhtnoth and his men in this way[16]. Additionally, Byrhtnoth’s death is presented as a ‘good Christian end’[17], as he ‘looked to the heavens’[18] before he was killed. The inclusion of Christianity reflects the importance of religion at this time, where English versus Viking conflicts were seen as battles of faith as much as battles of men[19]. The poem is recognised as one of the ‘supreme achievements of English literature’[20], widely accepted as art and having a moral purpose above historical accuracy[21], [22]. If you fancy reading the entirety of the poem, I highly recommend Donald Scragg’s, The Battle of Maldon, AD 991 – you’ll note I’ve referenced it multiple times in this article, it’s a fab book. But if you can’t get hold of that a copy is printed here on the Battle of Maldon website where you can find some more information about the battle itself as well as take a look at the poem in all its glory.
All five surviving versions of The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles record the death of Ealdorman Byrhtnoth[23] at Maldon, demonstrating his importance in Anglo-Saxon society and English history as the most senior ealdorman of that time[24]. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles are written with a degree of hindsight, several years after the battle, are aware of the Viking’s involvement in the events that unfolded in English history and would have recognised the crippling effects of the Danegeld. The Winchester version provides the longest and most detailed account of the Battle of Maldon[25], and written at around 1000 it is also the most contemporary[26]. However, there are differences in this text, compared with the other Anglo-Saxon Chronicles and other sources recording the same event. It marks the battle as 993, not 991 as is recorded in the other Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. It also refers to ‘Olaf’[27] leading the Viking force, which although possible, is unlikely[28]. Later sources name ‘Justin and Guthmund’[29] as the leaders instead. Furthermore, it writes that a force of ‘ninety-three ships’[30] invaded whereas no other sources gave a detailed number of the fleet, only stating it was large. It could well have been quite close to this number[31]. These variances may be due to scribing errors. The date may have been wrongly recorded by being put in the wrong entry, though the information itself may be accurate[32]. More likely the differences are a consequence of a conflation of annals from 991 and 994[33] – just to make this all so much more complicated – when London was invaded by ‘Olaf’[34] Tryggvason (and Swein Forkbeard) with a fleet of ‘4-and-ninety ships’[35]. As a Chronicle recording events by year it is more likely that differences appear due to simple errors. Unless the scribes were intent on making future historians question the exact dating of the battle, I think we can assume that there was no socio-political intent in these discrepancies.
The hagiography, Vita Sancti Oswaldi, is the final contemporary source recording the battle, written between 997 and 1002 by Byrhtferth of Ramsey[36]. The principle value historians derive from the Vita Sancti Oswaldi is its detailed analysis of contemporary affairs[37], political history[38] and the national feeling of the 10th century. There is some ambiguity between scholars as to whether the Vita Sancti Oswaldi inspired The Battle of Maldon poem[39], or the other way around[40] - personally I definitely like the believe the poem is written by eye-witnesses or someone who experienced the battle themselves and is writing a ballad for those lost, effectively acting as a gravestone for the battle. Byrhtnoth, in the Vita, is presented as a ‘distinguished ealdorman’, as well as being a good Christian which matches what the Maldon poet suggests about Byrhtnoth’s character[41]. All details in the Vita Sancti Oswaldi are written in a biblical style[42] and it is unsurprising that Byrhtnoth is presented in this way as a hagiography is written with an intent to inspire people to be good Christians – ulterior motives and all that! Also like the poem, but different from the more factual Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, it provides a rich and detailed account of the battle, describing it as, ‘savage’[43], the Danes were ‘severely wounded’[44], and does not mention the Danegeld. However, unlike the poem, the Vita Sancti Oswaldi includes descriptions of other Viking attacks, putting the Battle of Maldon in a ‘wider context of Viking assaults’[45]. This suggests it is looking back with a degree of knowledge of the true horrors of the Vikings raids[46], more similar to records in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. This source is one of the longest biographies of an Anglo-Latin Saint, its focus is not on the Battle of Maldon and it is likely that Byrhtferth was not so concerned about the accuracy of his writing as the Vita Sancti Oswaldi is not a historical record[47].
There you have it. A little bit of an intense dive into the primary sources surrounding this epic battle. I look forward to continuing this study in the next part, were we’ll take a peek at some of the later sources – mostly Chronicles – including the Historian Anglorum and the Liber Eliensis. I’m excited, hope you are too!
As usual feel free to comment or message us to get in contact with any requests or questions, or if you just want to have a good old historical chat – we’re always keen. See you next time!
- Emily Storey Walker,
Mistress of the Hounds and Horses
History Sisters
[1] Donald Scragg, The Return of the Vikings: The Battle of Maldon 991 (Stroud: Tempus Publishing Limited, 2006), 139.
[2] Donald Scragg, ed. The Battle of Maldon, AD 991, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), xii.
[3] Thomas Hill, ‘The “Liber Eliensis” “Historical Selections” and the Old English “Battle of Maldon”’, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 96.1 (1997): 1.
[4] Scragg, The Return of the Vikings, 122.
[5] John McKinnel, ‘On the Date of “The Battle of Maldon”’ in , Medium Ævum 44.1 (1975): 132.
[6] Scragg, The Battle of Maldon, 32.
[7] Ibid., 123.
[8] James Campbell, ‘England, c.991’, in The Battle of Maldon: Fiction and Fact, ed. Janet Cooper (London: The Hambledon Press, 1993), 11.
[9] Hill, ‘‘The “Liber Eliensis”’, 12.
[10] The Battle of Maldon poem Line 51, 22.
[11] Richard North, ‘Getting to know the General in “The Battle of Maldon”’, Medium Ævum 60.1 (1991): 1-2.
[12] Paul Dean, ‘History Versus Poetry: The Battle of “Maldon”’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 93.1 (1992): 99.
[13] Ute Schwab, ‘The Battle of Maldon: A Memorial Poem’, in The Battle of Maldon: Fiction and Fact, ed. Janet Cooper (London: The Hambledon Press, 1993), 74.
[14] Scragg, The Battle of Maldon, 34.
[15] Campbell, ‘England, c.991’, 16.
[16] Hill, ‘The “Liber Eliensis”’, 12.
[17] North, ‘Getting to know the General’, 10.
[18] The Battle of Maldon poem Line 172, 25.
[19] Paul Szarmach, ‘The (Sub-) Genre of The Battle of Maldon’, in The Battle of Maldon: Fiction and Fact, ed. Janet Cooper (London: The Hambledon Press, 1993), 44.
[20] North, ‘Getting to know the General’, 2.
[21] George Clark, ‘The Hero of Maldon: Vir Pius et Strenuus’ in Speculum 54.2 (1979): 282.
[22] Scragg, The Battle of Maldon, 34.
[23] Janet M. Bately, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’, in The Battle of Maldon, AD 991 ed. Donald Scragg (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), 37.
[24] Scragg, The Return of the Vikings, 81.
[25] Dean, ‘History Versus Poetry’, 99.
[26] Scragg, The Return of the Vikings, 81.
[27] The Winchester Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, translated by Michael Swanton in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles (London: Phoenix Press, 1996), 126.
[28] Ian Howard, Swein Forkbeard’s Invasions and the Danish Conquest of England 991-1017 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003), 36.
[29] John of Worcester, Chronicon Ex Chronicis, translated by Alan Kennedy, ‘Byrhtnoth’s Obits and Twelfth Century Accounts’ in The Battle of Maldon, AD 991 ed. Donald Scragg (Oxford: Basil Blackwell), 63.
[30] The Winchester ASC, 126.
[31] Clark, 'The Hero of Maldon’, 260.
[32] Scragg, The Return of the Vikings, 57.
[33] Dean, ‘History Versus Poetry’, 99.
[34] The Peterborough Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, translated by Swanton in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles (London: Phoenix Press, 1996), 127.
[35] Ibid, 127.
[36] Donald Bullough, ‘St Oswald: monk, bishops and archbishop’ in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, eds Nicholas Brooks and Catherine Cubitt (London: Leicester University Press, 1996), 2.
[37] Antonia Gransden, as cited in Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth and Oswald’, in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, eds Nicholas Brooks and Catherine Cubitt (London: Leicester University Press, 1996), 66.
[38] Dorothy Whitelock, as cited in Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth and Oswald’ in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, eds Nicholas Brooks and Catherine Cubitt (London: Leicester University Press, 1996), 66.
[39] Dean, ‘History Versus Poetry’, 100.
[40] Margaret Locherbie-Caneton, as cited in North, ‘Getting to know the General’, Medium Ævum 60.1 (1991): 1.
[41] Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Vita Santi Oswaldi, translated by Michael Lapidge in Byrhtferth of Ramsey: The Lives of St Oswald and St Ecgwine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 157.
[42] Michael Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth and Oswald’ in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, eds Nicholas Brooks and Catherine Cubitt (London: Leicester University Press, 1996), 75.
[43] Byrhtferth, Vita, 157.
[44] Ibid., 159.
[45] Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth and Oswald’, 73.
[46] Campbell, ‘England, c.991’, 11.
[47] Lapidge, ‘Byrhtferth and Oswald’, 82.
Comments